Jenna Burrell, assistant professor at the School of Information at UC Berkeley, is speaking today at the Berkman Center on her research on internet usage in Ghana, the subject of her (excellent) book Invisible Users: Youth in the Internet Cafes of Urban Ghana. Burrell is an ethnographer and sociologist, and her examination of Ghanaian internet cafes is one of the best portraits of contemporary internet use in the developing world.
Jenna doing fieldwork in Ghana
Her talk today covers some of the work she began in 2004 and published last year, but expands in some new directions, including questions about network security and preserving access in the margins of the Global Internet. Burrell’s understanding of Ghana has been built up through six years of fieldwork, both on how non-elite Ghanaians use the internet, and on how Ghana’s internet has literally been built, from recycled and repurposed computer equipment. She notes that ethnographers are famous for their microfocus. When she published her book, a Facebook friend joked, “How odd, I just finished my book on youth in the internet cafes of suburban Ghana!” Burrell is now interested in some of the broader questions we might examine raised by specific cases like the dynamics of Ghana’s cybercafes.
Burrell notes that early conversations about the internet often featured the idea that in online spaces, we transcend our physical limits and are able to talk to people anywhere in the world. Our race and gender might become irrelevant or invisible. She suggests that just at the point where real cross-cultural connection was starting to unfold online, discourse about a borderless internet became unfashionable. We might benefit from returning to some of these ideas of borderlessness and encounter in places where these encounters are really taking place.
Ghana’s internet cafes are an excellent space to explore how this connect works in practice, as much of what takes place in these cafes is centered on international connect. Ghana’s “non-elite” net youth culture – i.e., the young people accessing the internet via cybercafes, not the digerati who are accessing the net through computers in their homes – centers around the idea of the “pen pal”, an analog concept adapted for a digital age. Many Ghanaian students have interacted with pen pals via paper letters, and their encounters in online space often focused on finding a digital pen pal. Most participating in this culture were English-literate, had at least a high school education and had probably stopped going to school when they ran out of funds. They sought out pen pals for a variety of reasons: as friends, as potential romantic partners, as patrons or sponsors, business partners, or as philanthropists who might fund their future education or emigration.
Much of Burrell’s work has focused on talking to cybercafe users about their stories and motivations. Understanding the gaps between their understandings of the people they are talking with on Yahoo chat or other tools helps illuminate the challenge of cultural encounter. One group of cybercafe youth were collectors. They had applied for British Airways Executive Club membership – the airline’s frequent flyer program – and called themselves “The Executive Club”, reveling in the membership cards the airline had sent. They collected religious CDs and bibles from the people they encountered online. Another Ghanaian participant in Christian chat rooms on Yahoo! complained that his conversation partners didn’t understand his needs and motivations – he was looking for contacts and potential business partners and figured that Christians would be trustworthy people to work with, but was frustrated that they only wanted to talk about the bible. A third person she observed explained, “I take pen pals just for the exchange of items and actually I don’t take my size. I take sugar mommies and sugar daddies…” In other words, he was looking specifically for conversations that led to people giving gifts.
This sounds like a path from conversation into internet scamming, but Burrell warns us not to jump to conclusions. Gift-giving is very common in Ghanaian culture, and while gifts are small, they are important and usually reciprocal. Some of her Ghanaian informants couldn’t understand why asking for a gift chased their conversation partners away. Fauzia, who had been chatting with a man on Yahoo! asked him to send her a mobile phone. Not only did he stop taking to her, he performed a complicated “dance of avoidance”, logging off when he saw her log on. Another informant, Kwaku, was talking with a Polish woman about seeking a travel visa and couldn’t understand why she wouldn’t let him stay in her home in Poland. Again, the cultural discontinuity is important – if you traveled to see a friend in their village, you would expect that they would share their home with you and provide a place for you to sleep.
Burrell suggests that there are basic misunderstandings between Ghanaian and North American/European culture around gender and communication norms, the moral economy of gifting and notions of obligation and hospitality. In addition, these cultural discontinuities are complicated by material asymmetries, simplistic perceptions of western wealth and African poverty, and the fact that Ghanaians are often paying for net connectivity by the minute, leading to rushed and high pressure encounters.
When cross-cultural encounters go badly, people seek to block further contact. Networks like Facebook make it very easy to block an individual from contacting you. But Burrell sees the internet moving from simple blocking and banning to “encoded exclusion”, the automatic exclusion of entire countries from being able to access certain servers and services. Dating websites, in particular, have taken to blocking and banning Ghanaians and Nigerians entirely, because they use the websites in ways that the site’s creators hadn’t expected or intended.
Working from Ghana for almost a decade, Burrell has found that it’s often difficult to engage in basic online tasks from that country because sites and services exclude based on geolocation. Based on her experiences and that of her informants, she posits two types of exclusion: failure to include, and purposeful exclusion.
Ecommerce is a space where failure to include is pretty common. Ecommerce is a credit-card based world. Many African economies, including Ghana’s, are largely cash based. Even for Ghanaians who have the money to buy online services, there’s often no easy way to make an online payment. This becomes a rationalization for credit card fraud. Ghanaians who want to participate on match.com, which has a modest member fee, rationalize using a stolen credit card as a way of gaining access to a space that’s otherwise closed. There’s also an unfair stigma attached to cash-based transactions, she posits. Some media coverage of Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, the Nigerian underwear bomber, focused on the fact that he’d purchased his air ticket in Ghana, paying cash. US authorities suggested that paying cash was evidence of bad intent and some suggested waiting periods and extra scrutiny for cash payments – Burrell suggests that that’s simply how Ghana’s economy works at present, and that using cash payments as a signal for possible terrorist behavior is a form of failure to include.
Purposeful exclusion also comes into play in ecommerce. Burrell discovered that trying to purchase a product on Amazon from Ghana triggered a set of “forced detours” that made purchasing impossible. Once Amazon detected her login from Ghana, the site immediately reset her password and began sending her phishing warnings. Paypal uses similar techniques – when she tried to sign up for a sewing class in Oakland (to make something out of the beautiful batik she was buying in Ghana), PayPal told her that they didn’t serve customers in Ghana or Nigeria, and started a set of security checks that led to phone verification to her US phone, which didn’t work in Ghana. These extended loops of checks are a huge frustration to the Ghanaians who have the means and tools to participate in these economies. As Ghanaian-born blogger Koranteng noted in an excellent blog post, “If we take ecommerce as one component of modern global citizenship then we are illegal aliens of sorts, and our participation is marginal at best.”
Other blocks are more explicit. Plentyoffish.com, a popular, no-fee dating site, briefly ran a warning that stated that they block traffic from Africa, Romania, Turkey, India, Russia “like every other major site”. The warning was removed, but the site is still inaccessible from Ghana.
Search for “IP block Ghana” or “IP block Nigeria” and you’ll find posts on webmaster fora asking for advice on how to exclude whole nations from the internet. She offers three examples:
From Webmaster World: “I am so fed up with these darn African fraudsters, is it possible to block african traffic by IP”
From a Unix security discussion group: “Maybe we could just disconnect those countries from the Internet until they get their scam artists under control”
From a Linux admin tips site: “I admin an [ecommerce] website and a lot of bogus traffic comes from countries that do not offer much in commercial value.”
Legitimate frustration over fraud leads to overbroad attempts to crack down on this fraud. Burrell’s research involved working with a British woman who lost $100,000 to scams in Ghana – the woman came to Ghana to seek justice and Burrell attended court hearings with her. She suggests that while there’s likely corruption within the Ghana police service, the judges and lawyers she met were genuinely worried about scamming and looking for ways to crack down on the activity. But the perception remains that Ghana isn’t doing enough to protect the rest of the world from its least ethical internet users. This, in turn, has consequences for Ghana’s many legitimate users.
She leaves the group with a series of questions:
- How do we consider inclusiveness as one of the principals to strive for in network security best practices?
- How do we investigate and make visible the consequences of network security practices at the margins of the internet?
- When is country-level IP address blocking appropriate?
These questions lead to a lively discussion around the Berkman table. Oliver Goodenough wonders whether the practices Burrell is describing parallel redlining, the illegal practice of denying certain services or overcharging for them in neighborhoods with high concentrations of citizens of color. But another participant wonders whether we’re being unfair and suggests that using concepts like “censorship” to discuss online exclusion is unfairly characterizing what might simply be wise business practice. “Should a company be compelled to do business in a country where there’s no legal infrastructure to adequately protect it?” Jerome Hergueux argues that global trade follows trust, and that the desire to exclude these countries may be seen as a vote that there’s no trust in how they do business. Burrell notes that there are patterns of media coverage that contribute to why we don’t trust Ghanaians, and that those perceptions might not be accurate.
I’m deeply interested in the topics Burrell brings up in this talk. I’ve experienced the purposeful exclusion Burrell talks about, both in trying to do business from west Africa, and in my travels back and forth – I routinely bring goods to Ghana and Nigeria that friends in those countries have ordered and sent to my office, because they can’t get them delivered to their homes. It’s very strange when people you’ve met only over Twitter send you iPads so you can bring them to Nigeria… but it is, as Hergeuex points out, an interesting commentary on who we trust and who we don’t.
I worry about another form of exclusion that’s mostly theoretical at this point, but possible: what if spaces that are acting as digital public spheres become closed to developing world users? That’s an idea put forward in a New York Times article by Brad Stone and Miguel Helft. Examining Facebook’s efforts to build sites “optimized” for the developing world, they wonder whether companies, desperate to become profitable, will stop serving, or badly underserve, users in countries where there’s little online advertising, like Nigeria and Ghana.
Talking with Burrell after her talk, I wondered whether there’s a hierarchy of needs at work: should we worry more about Facebook banning Nigerian users (no evidence that they will, to be clear) more than Amazon or OkCupid? Are we willing to argue for a global right to online speech, but no global right to online dating? Burrell argued that accessing OkCupid might be more significant in terms of life transformation for a Ghanaian user than accessing Facebook and suggested that any sort of tiering of access was challenging to think through.
It’s interesting to consider: the Internet Freedom agenda advocated by the US State Department focuses on countries that would block access to the internet to prevent certain types of political speech. But what if the real threat to global internet freedom starts with US companies that don’t see a profit in letting Ghanaian or Nigerian users onto their sites? Anyone want to bet on whether a Kerry State Department will be willing to tell US companies to stop excluding African users?
Friend and fellow Berkmanite Doc Searls is presenting his new book, The Intention Economy, at Harvard this evening. That I’m hosting the event doesn’t stop me from blogging it. Doc’s new book is a manifesto designed to change how we think about vendors, customers, transactions and privacy. It’s also a trenchant critique of the advertising business and retail commerce as we know it. I’ve had great fun watching Doc write it and am excited to see it having an impact out in the world.
Here are my notes on Doc’s talk – I wasn’t able to blog the Q&A due to my lame attempts to moderate.
What is the most embarrasing thing about you? Something you’d only share with a really good friend or a licensed professional? Doc asks us to think about that question while we watch a clip from The Onion News Network, which reports on Facebook as an intelligence agency project, described by undercover agent Mark Zuckerberg as “the single most powerful tool for population control ever invented.”
Privacy is very simple in the material world. But it took us thousands of years to understand how privacy should work. We created technologies like clothing and houses to allow ourselves different degrees of privacy. The internet as we know it, Doc tells us, is 17 years old, with widespread adoption of the graphical web browser. There are no rules of privacy in this new world – it simply wasn’t designed into the protocols. The internet is early in its development. “The older I get, the earlier it seems.”
Facebook may know an immense about you, Doc tells us, but that’s not the internet – it’s an application. Facebook wasn’t even around 8 years ago – think of it as an experiment. There will be something else that follows on its heels. We should think about these technologies as a social and technical experiment we’re still working through.
Doc tells us we’ve been in a master-slave narrative since 1995. We go to websites for content – milk – and we get something in addition – a cookie. Cookies were invented to maintain state, to allow web servers to track us over time. We, as clients, are dependents, slaves to the servers, and we haven’t broken away from it yet. Thanks to cookies, we’re being followed… and not just by our friends.
He points us to a series called What They Know put together by the Wall Street Journal. Of the top sites on the web, the only not tracking users is Wikipedia. One site, dictionary.com, sets 234 tracking files on your browser so various companies can understand your online behavior. A site called Ghostery helps you see what’s been set on your system – there’s an amazing list of companies that are tracking you if you’re an average web user. How these companies use this data matters – he references Rebecca MacKinnon’s new book, Consent of the Networked, which points out that privacy setting changes on a site like Facebook have serious implications for dissidents in a country like Iran.
One of the companies Doc features is Rapleaf, an ad targeting company that collects a great deal of information about users. When Doc requested his Rapleaf file, he discovered that most of what the company thought they knew about him was wrong – he’s married, not single; he didn’t complete grad school; his residence is MA, not CA. These companies claim intimate knowledge of you, and what they have is inaccurate and incomplete.
Doc compares the current model of tracking to toddlers who can’t put on their own clothes. Even the Do Not Track compromise buys into the notion that the servers set cookies on you – you can refuse, but they’re still in charge of dressing you.
Companies like to tell us that you’re in charge – IBM’s website announces your visit as “the Chief Executive Customer”. This is window dressing. “I promise you that there’s not a single customer at their Smarter Commerce Global Summit.” These companies are following you around like a pack of dogs you can’t see. These dogs spend a lot of money – $1.5 trillion a year trying to sell you things. That isn’t going away… but the hundreds of millions being spent on analytics is a bubble. They claim that, through their big data, they know you thoroughly… but the truth is, they know very little.
He references Eli Pariser’s book “The Filter Bubble“, which suggests that internet marketing is based on “a bad theory of you.” Doc suggests that our experience with marketing is literally creepy – these theories are stuck in the uncanny valley. Facebook’s attempt to market to us are downright creepy in how they market to us. An ad, “Boyfriend Wanted – Seniors Meet”, seems based on the misperception that he’s single and the reality that he’s old. It’s not what he wants – it’s what the data thinks he wants.
Doc references corporate loyalty cards as a virus that spreads between species. The loyalty card came into play around 1995, and now it’s spreading into the online space. It’s accompanied by agreements we never made, the impossibly long contracts businesses force us to sign before using our iPhones or online services. Friedrich Kessler calls these “contracts of adhesion”, contracts where one party isn’t free to negotiate the terms. Freedom of contract, the ability to negotiate our terms and come to agreement with others, is a fundamental freedom in a democratic society. But in a broadcast age, we find the rise of mass marketing, and mass services. Individual contracts were no longer possible – instead, we had contracts that one side built and the other was required to accept. It’s a bad idea that came into the online world with little questioning.
So what can we do about this? These problems were evident in 1999, when Doc and colleagues wrote The Cluetrain Manifesto. He points to a Chris Locke quote: “We are not seats or eyeballs or end users or consumers. We are human beings – and our reach exceeds your grasp. Deal with it.” Tragically, this wasn’t true. While Cluetrain became very popular, this idea never caught on – our reach never exceeded our grasp in online spaces.
In the hopes of realizing some of these ambitions, Doc came to Berkman in 2006 and started working on Project VRM. VRM is a term he didn’t coin – it emerged from the community he brought together, as an alternative to “customer relationship management”, a massive industry. VRM is not yet at the scale of CRM, but it’s starting to have impact.
With VRM, Doc tells us, the customer drives. A car is a good example of a VRM tool – it gives us choice, independence and privacy. It’s a way of relating to the world and to commerce. An infrastructure has grown up around it – parking spaces, drive-thru restaurants. The car could never have been invented by a railroad. Anyone running a server alone – Google, Facebook – is in the railroad business.
VRM allows customers to define their own terms of service, define what loyalty is, control the use of your own data, manage your relationships with vendors, and do this all yourself, or through “fourth parties”, third parties who work for you, not the vendor. A fourth party is a buyer’s agent who works for you, a lawyer who represents your interests in the face of other institutions.
Fourth parties in the VRM community include TrustFabric, Singly, Azigo, The Customer’s Voice and several other start up firms. Doc focuses on a French company called Privony, a company that’s part of the VRM movement. Privony gives you a vault for your data, which you can share with companies… but they can’t see your data, as it’s encrypted. Privony provides a menu bar to help you manage your relationships with other sites, turning on or off tracking, and relating in new and better ways with the vendors of the world. With your permission and control, you can make yourself available as a qualified lead… but it’s your choice to do so.
What’s critical is the ability to set your own terms of service: “Don’t track me outside your site or service”, “Give me my data in the usable form I specify”, and so on. Your personal data is in the cloud, but you can control how various servers use it, rather than ceding that responsibility to those servers.
The global money transfer company, SWIFT, is encouraging people to think of your digital assets as a form of money. Thinking through this interesting thought, you end up with ideas like the possibility of escrowing your intention to make a certain purchase, and perhaps advertise your willingness to do so in order to find someone who wants to do business with you.
Project VRM is still starting, even six years into the project. It’s still the space of the innovators, not yet the space of early adopters. The end state – the late majority – is the “Intention Economy”, a space where your intentions are clear, and advertisers and vendors don’t have to guess at what you want.
David Weinberger‘s new book “Too Big To Know” (#2B2K – be sure to pick book titles that make good hash tags…) launched last night at Harvard Law School with a talk entitled “Unsettling Knowledge”. If you know David’s work, it’s obvious that the title is a pun. And David’s new book is a wonderfully unsettling piece – it challenges our notion of what knowledge is, and introduces the uncomfortable question of how we navigate this new space.
Knowledge as we know it is coming apart, David tells us. The bastions of knowledge, the physical emblems of knowledge, like encyclopedias, newspapers and libraries are undergoing radical transformation. We know we’re heading into a future that’s deeply different, though we don’t know quite how. The manifestations of knowledge are at risk, and all it took was the touch of a hyperlink.
How did these institutions fall apart so quickly? It’s an impossible question to answer, but he offers one path through the thicket. He starts with a famous quote from Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who tells us “Everyone is entitled to his own opinion, not his own facts.” This is the promise of knowledge: that if we all got together and had an honest conversation, we can eventually come to an agreement. There is knowledge and it can bring us together.
We tend to assume that knowledge gives us an accurate picture of the world, built up bit by bit, fact by fact. In acquiring knowledge, we nail down each piece with certainty. And we see knowledge as a product of filtering and winnowing – we move from perception to true perception, from a mob of opinion to true belief. Knowledge is about finding gold within the flux.
We’ve always had to filter, based on the fact that the world is way bigger than what fits in our skills. There’s too much to know (quoting Anne Blair’s book “Too Much to Know“) and the world is too big to know.
Traditionally, we’ve handled this by breaking off a brain-sized chunk of the world and getting an expert to understand it. Once we’ve got that expert, we can stop asking questions: we simply ask the expert. Experts, and the credentials that create them, are stopping points. They’re points beyond which we don’t need to look any further.
But that’s how knowledge works on paper. Books, for all their magnificence, are a disconnected medium. They are contained within covers, they are shelved apart, they don’t naturally connect to one another. The author’s job is to put everything she knows on a topic between two covers. The arguments move in sequence, from the beginning to the conclusion. And because the book is an essentially limited medium, good writers ruthlessly cast things aside, deciding what it put in the book and what is excluded. Books are born of long-form arguments, moving us forward step by step, brick by brick.
Links are a new form of punctuation. They give you a means of continuing. In the print world, to follow a footnote in a book, you need to get on a bus and go to the library. That’s why we don’t generally follow footnotes. But now we can jump from one book to the next. It’s a magic map – touch a place on the map and you go there.
The internet is an environment that’s all about connection and our knowledge is picking up properties of the medium. Knowledge in this space is characterized by the fact that it’s “too much, messy, unsettled, and unstructured”.
Clay Shirky suggests that there’s no such thing as information overload, only filter failure. This is a very modern response to an older question. Futurist Alvin Toffler warned us about information overload, popularizing the phrase. It’s an extension of the idea of sensory overload, the idea that too much input could overwhelm and paralyze you. This is based on the faulty assumption that brains are information processing machines, and that we can overwhelm and crash them.
This line of thinking led marketers to conclude that choosing between 16 brands would be overwhelming to an American housewife and that fewer choices needed to be offered. But we’re now headed to a point where there’s an exabyte of genomic information available, and that number doesn’t lead us to paralysis, but to fascination. We’ve redefined the term “information overload” through how we use it.
We’re less overwhelmed because we’re learning different ways to filter. When we filtered in the print world, we did so in a way that prevented us from seeing the dregs. We saw only the books that our local library chose to buy, and only the books the publisher chose to print. The manuscripts filtered out of that process were invisible to retrieve through ordinary means.
Now, in a digital age, we filter forward, not filter out. All that information – some of it very low quality – is out there somewhere on the internet. We could curate and try to delete the stuff that’s wrong, hurtful, harmful or hateful. But it’s expensive to exclude information and cheaper to include everything. When you curate, you’re making decisions about what is interesting to your users, and no one can accurately predict what might be useful to a researcher in the future. Filter out all the gossip and crap from new media and you harm the scholar who wants to study celebrity behavior. You couldn’t have predicted the high level of interest in notes from a committee meeting in Wasilla, Alaska in 2008 until Sara Palin became a public figure.
The web has worked by developing tools that include all content and filter when we retrieve it. As recently as a decade ago, information retrieval experts told us that ordinary users would never use tools this complicated. But now we use them everyday, because we have to. And we’re seeing much better tools, like Shelflife, the tool Harvard’s Library Lab has created to allow users to browse the vast set of information in Harvard’s library systems.
We don’t just have a lot of information – the information is very messy. We like order – David shows a slide of zoological specimens, beetles mounted on pins – and we’re very good at establishing it. We understand where everything fits in a tree of species, based on similarities and differences. To know where a species fit into this tree was to know how the world works – to not know it was to be adrift.
In the physical world, there’s only one way to sort manifestations of information. You might want to sort your CDs by artist, while your partner might want them sorted by genre. There’s only one possible they can be stacked on the shelf, because no two things can be in the same place at the same time. In a digital age, we simply make playlists. We end up with a mess of information, but it’s a rich and fertile mess.
Figuring out where things fit in the natural order of things was an essential piece of being human. Human beings saw ourselves as “the knowers. But there’s multiple orders and multiple ways of categorizing, through tags, playlists and other ways to sort information. Messiness is an essential feature of how we scale meaning. But, David warns, we still tend to think of knowledge in the ways we did when books had to sit on a single place on the shelf, when knowledge had a single, possible, right form, rather than multiple forms.
Knowledge is too big, messy and wildly unsettled, just like the internet. “For every fact on the internet, there is an equal and opposite fact.” David warns that there is nothing we all agree on – you can find someone willing to argue that 2+2 is not 4 (and, indeed, a quick Google search shows this to be true.) We don’t agree about anything, and David warns, we never will. “This doesn’t mean there are no facts – but it does mean that people are going to insist on being wrong.”
What this persistence of disagreement means is that the promise of knowledge Moynihan offers – that we can agree on a set of facts and then argue our opinions – is not going to be fulfilled. As it turns out, we don’t even know whether Moynihan said “everyone is entitled to his own opinion, not his own facts” or whether that’s exactly what he said.
The good news is that we’re rapidly developing ways of dealing with difference and disagreement. YouTube has a crummy commenting system, as is well documented and well established. David shows us a threat of comments on a recent Batman movie trailer. Somewhere deep in this comment thread is an impassioned argument about circumcision. It would have been great if YouTube supported forking of conversations. Forking is a powerful way to deal with disagreement. It’s very hard to do in the real world without social consequences – if we decide to move away from the dinner party to our own table where we talk about circumcision, it makes people uncomfortable – but it’s very easy to do this on the web.
In the 19th century, it was very challenging to classify the platypus. There was one space in a taxonomy for warm-blooded animals, and another for animals that produce eggs. Scientists thought the platypus must be a hoax, because it didn’t fit within existing categories. Even when presented with a specimen from Tasmania with eggs intact, they fought the platypus “hoax” as something that didn’t work within existing categories.
Now we can solve problems of overly rigid taxonomies by using linked namespaces. We can create a database of names, and a database of taxonomies. We can deal with the platypus and the water mole, and map scientific and colloquial names onto different possible structures. “Pick your name, pick your taxonomy and get on with your life. So what if we disagree? Yay for difference!”
David is actually quite concerned about difference, and just how much difference we can tolerate and still interact and function. He acknowledges that there’s a human tendency towards homophily, flocking together in groups united by race, gender, belief, socioeconomic status, etc. This can lead to a serious challenge to public discourse – echo chambers that can solidify beliefs, making them more extreme and polarized. But David worries that posing issues this way relies on an unquestioned assumption: that conversations are between people who disagree deeply and looking for solutions and common ground by trying to get to the facts. This analysis misses the social role of conversation. We need so much context and so much agreement to even have a conversation. “To have a good conversation, you need to have 99% similarity and 1% difference.” He suggests that some of the work Yochai Benkler and I have been doing may help us find productive paths towards including difference, but reminds us that the high level of disagreement and the difficulty of finding common ground is likely a core feature of the internet and knowledge in an internet age.
Finally, knowledge in this new paradigm is unstructured. We’re used to the idea that knowledge has a basic structure. We have grown used to long form arguments that take us from A to Z, and we’re particularly fond of arguments that take us from A to Z in an orderly path, where Z is an unexpected place to end up. “This is a magnificent form of thought, but the long form argument is losing it’s preeminence.”
We might think of Darwin as a leading proponent of the long form argument. And his argument certainly led somewhere unfamiliar. But he wouldn’t have analyzed data for years and released a massive book if he were working today. He would publish online. And even if he didn’t, the conversation about his work would be based online. Whether or not we imagine Darwin tweeting from The Beagle, the web is where the thinking about and reacting to Darwin’s work would take place, and collectively, it will have more value that Darwin’s long form work taken alone. Moving forward, we will not just see these long form works, but the webs that precede and follow them.
Michael Nielsen has recently written about scholarly community reaction to results at CERN that offer evidence for faster than light neutrinos. As these results came in, they were posted to arXiv.org, a journal preprint site. They stirred up a firestorm of interest and reactions. Some of those reactions are brilliant, some are stupid and wrong. But that welter of discussion is where knowledge is – it’s taking place outside of printed peer review journals.
Darwin spent seven years studying and dissecting barnacles before working on The Origin of Species. His two volume work on barnacles includes countless facts, and his hard work to discover and pin them down was an act of nobility. But science doesn’t work quite like that anymore. We work with clouds of data about genetics, astronomy, and other topics. These data clouds are fundamentally different than facts. When data.gov released sets of government information, they didn’t clean or normalize it ahead of time – they released raw data. They concluded that it was better to put the data out there than to constrain themselves to information that was consistent and known, for the simple reason that this constraint would have slowed them down badly. Darwin would not have agreed – he spent seven years on one fact.
There’s value in getting the data out quickly, David argues. It may be the one approach that’s scaleable – releasing raw data and letting individuals and groups clean, analyze and share what they find. Peer review scientific journals don’t scale, but perhaps peer to peer peer review might. We’re seeing growth in the Open Access journal field, particularly in spaces of repository where data is released, not peer reviewed.
One way we can start making sense of these new data sets is through the magic of linked data, a format suggested by Tim Berners-Lee, father of the web. We organize information in triples:
the platypus | lives in | Tasmania
Watermoles | lay | eggs
When we link triples to a central reference, we can resolve our platipae to water moles and link our triples together. Facts, which used to look like bricks, now look like links.
David closes by returning to his original question: why were old knowledge systems so fragile? These systems assumed knowledge was bounded, settled, orderly and proceeded step by step. But that’s not what knowledge feels like in the age of the internet. It feels unbounded, overwhelming, unsettled, messy, linked and governed by our interests. And those properties are the properties of what it means to be human in the world.
“Networked knowledge may or may not be truer about the world, but is is truer about knowing… This crazy approach to knowledge feels familiar to us, because it’s how we tend to know.” He closes with an observation that’s both hopeful and unsettling: “What we have in common is a shared world about which we disagree, not a common knowledge we share and can collectively come to.”
I’ve followed David’s work for a long time, and had the pleasure of watching him work through the ideas behind this book – David and I are both part of a group at Berkman that helps colleagues explore book-length projects. While I’m familiar with this line of David’s though, it was exciting and unsettling to hear him work through these ideas covering the whole arc of the book. I think this may be the most unsettling and radical book David’s put forth. On the one hand, it’s not a surprise that people will disagree on any concievable fact. But David’s suggestion that we give up on achieving an impossible consensus and proceed with the hard work of getting on with our lives strikes me as challenging and liberating, a very different path than I hear from most activists and advocates. I’m enjoying wrestling with the ideas David puts forth both in this talk and in the paper and hope lots of readers will take up the challenge as well.
Beth Kolko is the sort of academic who follows her muse from one fascinating topic to another. Colin Maclay traces some of her past work from a doctorate in English through research on use of technology in the developing world, through her current research on human-centered design and engineering at the University of Washington. For the past couple of years, Beth has been focused on research for a book on hackers and makers. This is a project that comes from her daily life, where she’s spent the last six years participating in hacking and making events in the Seattle area – she’s now considering the implications of hacking for academia and larger questions of how the DIY movement could impact civic engagement and educational reform.
There are three major areas her talk – titled “Hackademia” – focuses on. She’s interested in how hackers, makers and students, especially undergrad students, can work as innovators. She’s starting to identify patterns within non-expert communities that allow hackers and makers to innovate. And she’s interested in how we “make more of this ‘stuff’” – as society and as educators, how to we scaffold and maximize these contributions?
The key to understanding hacking and making, she suggests, is imagination: looking at people as creative problem-solvers. While there’s lots of research on how corporate and university researchers solve problems, there’s less research on how people without credentials solve problems. She’s specifically interested in rulebreakers, people who either break the rules of the academy or laws to innovate. Rulebreaking, she argues, is a type of power play: it’s a way ot fighting against the cultural and economic power of “being technical”, finding ways to be technical outside of an existing ruleset.
The people Beth studies are functional, rather than accredited engineers. She confesses, “I don’t really care about formal STEM (science, tech, education and math) education – okay, I care a little. But there are lots of studies on getting people to work in those fields. Instead, I’m trying to get people to be STEM literate and facile.”
Beth tells us about an experiment in group learning she participated in. A group is given a task – from three feet away, collaboratively find a way for the group to touch each card in a set of cards in order. While it’s a simple task, the challenge is to execute it collaboratively, and she reports that her group took a long time to discuss what ways would be sufficiently participatory, while another group never completed the task. When we’re faced with new sets of rules, we are forced to think through tacit assumptions that define our behavior, bringing those internalized constraints to the surface.
She tells us about an independent inventor in Detroit, who created a novel flash heating process for steel. It saves energy, and makes steel that’s 7% stronger than through conventional processes. While his research was independent and uncredited, it’s now being analyzed within metallurgy schools to verify the success of the process. One of the people verifying observes that, “Steel is a mature science”. We tend to assume that all that could be done has been done, but that’s not true.
For an example that’s even further from the academic community, she points us to a YouTube video of a fun parlor trick – removing a cork from a wine bottle without harming cork or bottle. The key is to insert a plastic bag, snare the cork, partially inflate the bag and then pull the apparatus out. An auto mechanic – Jorge Odon – was watching YouTube videos in his native Argentina, and thought this was a cool trick. He wondered if it would work for babies. And it does – the Odon device is now in trials as part of birth kits for the developing world.
There’s innovating from hacking as well. She points to wardriving, a technique developed to compromise networks, which now is part of business processes to ensure corporate networks are locked down. And she suggests that password testing tools have emerged almost exclusively from the hacking community. Security techniques designed to compromise networks become part of standard business practices.
Some of Beth’s recent work has focused on non-expert innovation from students, specifically work on a low-cost portable ultrasound kit. A colleague at the University of Washington working in radiology reached out to Beth for help with user interfaces for ultrasound systems used by midwives in Kampala, Uganda. The goal of the project was to train midwives to identify the three conditions that most contribute to maternal mortality and send affected women to hospitals, rather than giving birth at home.
As Beth and her students worked on the project, they discovered that one major problem was that midwives were trained for 2-6 weeks, while ultrasound readers in the US train for two years before being certified. Even the technicians who train for two years don’t use all the functions of a commercial ultrasound machine – in US ultrasound practice, the complex machines are heavily marked with signs created by the technicians warning not to use certain buttons or to use only certain ranges of frequencies.
Can we make this technology simpler for technicians with less training? This makes sense, as the Ugandan technicians are only trying to diagnose three conditions. The solution Beth and her team found was to move back to an older, cheaper technology and to marry those wands with simple netbooks, then focus on making the user interface as easy as possible.
Through ethnography with midwives and mothers, they discovered that the use of ultrasound is utterly different in Uganda than in US clinical practice. In the US, the technician can pass any ambiguous results to a support structure of doctors. Midwives in Uganda are generally all on their own – they need to give answers to mothers directly. So she and her students built a help system for the ultrasound device that was a learning system about maternal health, not just a manual for the tool.
“Not understanding the boundaries of the problem space allows innovation – including a help and learning system into the product was something my students did not know was prohibited.”
Beth’s insights in this field come from studying creativity around technology in the developing world, as well as US hackerspaces, makerspaces, hacker cons, and makerfaires. Extrapolating from both types of sites, she observes three characteristics:
- The importance of actual space in bringing communities together
- Systems of apprenticeship or scaffolded learning, including workshops that show people what they need to know to join a community
- Contests and other systems for building reputations, like the “black badges” issued to winners of capture the flag contests at Defcon, or the badges people win on instructables.com
She’s interested in the possible overlaps between university research, industry labs and independent researchers. Her goal is not to map the actual Venn diagram of the space, but to understand how independent researchers work in this space. She believes that independent researchers are particularly important for building disruptive technology. Academics have a disincentive to build highly disruptive systems – they’re hard to get academic funding for, and hard for PhD students to pitch dissertations around. It’s hard to disrupt in the corporate community, especially when disruptive tech is cheaper, as those sorts of innovations tend not to fit within existing sales structures. Independent researchers may be immune to these restrictions and especially capable of pushing forward disruptive innovations.
The structural constraints suggest that independent researchers may not be able to do fundamental research – it’s hard to investigate the deep structure of matter without strong funding. What independent researchers excel at is technological remix. She shows photos of makers building a panoramic camera designed to take photos from near space. There’s not much novel tech development involved with the project, but lots of remix of existing photographic technology.
Beth’s “Hackademia” project has attempted to learn from these general observations. She invited six undergraduate students to meet regularly in a physical space, equipped with desks and chairs and salvaged gear to hack with, including Arduino controllers. She asks the students to learn and keep track of how they learn. She offers no formal instruction, but lots of pointers to places her students can find learning materials.
One of the projects the Hackademia team took on was assembling a makerbot, a 3D printer that comes as a kit. Very seasoned engineers have been able to assemble the product in seven hours – her team took it slowly and took weeks. But they got it together, and developed some intense technical skills in the process. One student, who had been worried about touching any pieces of the kit for fear of breaking them, found herself some weeks later slapping Beth’s had when she tried to assemble something for her. This student had thought of herself as “non-technical”, Beth tells us. “But that notion of technical and non-technical broke down for them.”
Why Hackademia? Because there are few mechanisms at the university to allow non-science students to gain technical skills. It’s very hard for someone not on an engineering track to learn how to solder. But Beth’s work isn’t designed to create more professional engineers – it’s to get people to functional technical literacy. “We’re creating functional engineers one blinky LED at a time.”
Interventions like Hacakdemia, Beth hopes, can address at least six issues:
- self-efficacy – considering yourself capable of engaging in technical acts
- material technical practice – gaining concrete technical skills
- identity formation – identifying personally and socially as a technically competent person
- conception – understanding the scope and practice of technical knowledge
- motivation – articulating possible future selves
- social capital and sustainable participation – understanding how to seek out expert knowledge when necessary
On this last point, Seattle is a particularly sustainable place to build this sort of interventions, as it’s filled with hacker spaces and expert communities who can support this form of experimentation.
Beth’s new effort is Shiftlabs, an engineering and manufacturing company that works only with hackers. The company focuses on the engineering of low cost devices in the global health space, using R&D from independent researchers. Why a company and not a book? Beth explains that she’d never intended for this space to be the main locus of her research – it’s the product of taking a close look at something she’s become fascinated with in her personal life that’s turned into an academic and professional focus.
Daniel Castro of The Information Technology & Innovation Fund recently published a paper supporting the Stop Online Privacy Act (SOPA) currently being debated in congress. In that report, he claims that research performed by us supports the domain name system (DNS) filtering mechanisms mandated by SOPA. This claim is a distortion of our work. We disagree with the use of our study to make the point that DNS-based Internet filtering works and that we should therefore use it as a means of stopping websites from distributing copyrighted content. The data we collected answer a completely different set of questions in a completely different context.
Among other provisions that seek to control the sharing of copyrighted material on the Internet, SOPA, if enacted, would call upon the U.S. government to require that Internet service providers remove from their DNS servers the names of any sites that either infringe copyright directly or merely “facilitate” copyright infringement. So, for example, the government could require that ISPs remove the name “twitter.com” from their DNS servers if twitter.com was not being sufficiently aggressive in preventing its users from tweeting information about places to download copyrighted materials. This practice is known as DNS filtering. DNS filtering is one of the most common modes of Internet-based censorship. As we and our collaborators in the OpenNet Initiative have shown over the past decade, practices of this sort are used extensively in autocratic countries, including China and Iran, to prevent access to a range of sites offensive to the governments of those countries.
Opponents of SOPA have argued that the DNS filtering, even though it will have a number of harmful effects on the technical and political structure of the Internet, will not be effective in preventing users from accessing the blocked sites. Mr. Castro cites our research as evidence that SOPA’s mandate to filter DNS will be effective. He quotes our finding that at most 3% of users in certain countries that substantially filter the Internet use circumvention tools and asserts that “presumably the desire for access to essential political, historical, and cultural information is at least equal to, if not significantly stronger than, the desire to watch a movie without paying for it. Yet only a small fraction of Internet users employ circumvention tools to access blocked information, in part because many users simply lack the skills or desire to find, learn and use these tools.”
In our report, we looked at three sets of censorship circumvention tools: complex, client-based tools like Tor; paid VPNs; and web proxies. We estimated usage of those three classes of tools. We used reports from the client tool developers, a survey to gather usage data from VPN operators and used data from Google Analytics to estimate usage of web proxy tools. Counting all three classes of tools, we estimated as many as 19 million users a month of circumvention tools. Given the large number of users in China, Iran, Saudi Arabia and other states where filtering is endemic, this represents a fairly small percentage of internet users in those countries; 19 million people represents about 3% of the users in countries where internet filtering is pervasive. We actually believe that 3% figure is high, as some of the tools we study are used by users in open societies to evade corporate or university firewalls, not just to evade government censorship.
We stand behind the findings in our study (with reservations that we detail in the paper), but we disagree with the way that Mr. Castro applies our findings to the SOPA debate. His presumption that people will work as hard or harder to access political content than they do to access entertainment content deeply misunderstands how and why most people use the internet. Far more users in open societies use the Internet for entertainment than for political purposes; it is unreasonable to assume different behaviors in closed societies. Our research offers the depressing conclusion that comparatively few users are seeking blocked political information and suggests that the governments most successful in blocking political content ensure that entertainment and social media content is widely available online precisely because users get much more upset about blocking the ability watch movies than they do about blocking specific pieces of political content.
Rather than comparing usage of circumvention tools in closed societies to predict the activities of a given userbase, Mr. Castro would do better to consider the massive userbase of tools like bit torrent clients, which would make for a far cleaner analogy to the problem at hand. Likewise, the long line of very popular peer-to-peer sharing tools that have been incrementally designed to circumvent the technical and political measures used to prevent sharing copyrighted materials are a stronger analogy than our study of users in authoritarian regimes seeking to access political content.
Second, our research has consistently shown that those who really wish to evade Internet filters can do so with relatively little effort. The problem is that these activities can be very dangerous in certain regimes. Even though our research shows that relatively few people in autocratic countries use circumvention tools, this does not mean that circumvention tools are not crucial to the dissident communities in those countries. 19 million people is not large in relation to the population of the Internet, but it is still a lot of people absolutely who have freer access to the Internet through the tools. We personally know many people in autocratic countries for whom these tools provide a crucial (though not perfect) layer of security for their activist work. Those people would be at much greater risk than they already are without access to the tools, but in addition to mandating DNS filtering, SOPA would make many circumvention tools illegal. The single biggest funder of circumvention tools has been and remains the U.S. government, precisely because of the role the tools play in online activism. It would be highly counter-productive for the U.S. government to both fund and outlaw the same set of tools.
Finally, our decade-long study of Internet filtering and circumvention has documented the many problems associated with Internet filtering, not its overall effectiveness. DNS filtering is by necessity either overbroad or underbroad; it either blocks too much or too little. Content on the Internet changes its place and nature rapidly, and DNS filtering is ineffective when it comes to keeping up with it. Worse, especially from a First Amendment perspective, DNS filtering ends up blocking access to enormous amounts of perfectly lawful information. We strongly resist the claim that our research, and that of our collaborators, makes the case in favor of DNS-based Internet filtering.
Mr. Castro’s report may be found here:
with the reference to our work on p. 8.
The study that is being misused by Mr. Castro is here:
The findings of our decade-long studies are documented in three books, published MIT Press and available freely online in their entirety at:
- Rob Faris, John Palfrey, Hal Roberts, Jill York, and Ethan Zuckerman